Beginning in 1933, Indian Muslims, especially from the United Provinces, began to urge Jinnah to return to India and take up again his leadership of the Muslim League, an organisation which had fallen into inactivity.[75] He remained titular president of the League,[f] but declined to travel to India to preside over its 1933 session in April, writing that he could not possibly return there until the end of the year.[76]Abdul Rahim Dard , an eloquent speaker, Prominent Ahmadiyya missionary and a prolific writer met Jinnah in March 1933 and tried to convince him to return to India being direly needed by the Indian Muslims. Dard told Jinnah that Jinnah's abandonment of politics in British India was dire for the Muslim cause. Jinnah agreed to return. To symbolize his return to politics, A R Dard arranged a lecture titled The Future of India which was presided over by Sir Nairne Sandeman in which Jinnah criticized the recent White Paper on Indian Constitutional Reform and argued for self-government by Indians.[77] at the Fazl Mosque in London in April 1933 to facilitate Jinnah's return to the political scene. In fact, Jinnah is quoted saying:
"The eloquent persuasion of the Imam (A R Dard) left me no way of escape".
Among those who met with Jinnah to seek his return was Liaquat Ali Khan, who would be a major political associate of Jinnah in the years to come and the first Prime Minister of Pakistan. At Jinnah's request, Liaquat discussed the return with a large number of Muslim politicians and confirmed his recommendation to Jinnah.[81][82] In early 1934, Jinnah relocated to the subcontinent, though he shuttled between London and India on business for the next few years, selling his house in Hampstead and closing his legal practice in Britain.[83][84]
Muslims of Bombay elected Jinnah, though then absent in London, as their representative to the Central Legislative Assembly in October 1934.[85][86] The British Parliament's Government of India Act 1935 gave considerable power to India's provinces, with a weak central parliament in New Delhi, which had no authority over such matters as foreign policy, defence, and much of the budget. Full power remained in the hands of the Viceroy, however, who could dissolve legislatures and rule by decree. The League reluctantly accepted the scheme, though expressing reservations about the weak parliament. The Congress was much better prepared for the provincial elections in 1937, and the League failed to win a majority even of the Muslim seats in any of the provinces where members of that faith held a majority. It did win a majority of the Muslim seats in Delhi, but could not form a government anywhere, though it was part of the ruling coalition in Bengal. The Congress and its allies formed the government even in the North-West Frontier Province (N.W.F.P.), where the League won no seats despite the fact that almost all residents were Muslim.[87]
Jinnah (front, left) with the Working Committee of the Muslim League after a meeting in Lucknow, October 1937
According to Singh, "the events of 1937 had a tremendous, almost a traumatic effect upon Jinnah".[88] Despite his beliefs of twenty years that Muslims could protect their rights in a united India through separate electorates, provincial boundaries drawn to preserve Muslim majorities, and by other protections of minority rights, Muslim voters had failed to unite, with the issues Jinnah hoped to bring forward lost amid factional fighting.[88][89] Singh notes the effect of the 1937 elections on Muslim political opinion, "when the Congress formed a government with almost all of the Muslim MLAs sitting on the Opposition benches, non-Congress Muslims were suddenly faced with this stark reality of near total political powerlessness. It was brought home to them, like a bolt of lightning, that even if the Congress did not win a single Muslim seat ... as long as it won an absolute majority in the House, on the strength of the general seats, it could and would form a government entirely on its own ..."[90]
In the next two years, Jinnah worked to build support among Muslims for the League. He secured the right to speak for the Muslim-led Bengali and Punjabi provincial governments in the central government in New Delhi ("the centre"). He worked to expand the league, reducing the cost of membership to two annas (⅛ of a rupee), half of what it cost to join the Congress. He restructured the League along the lines of the Congress, putting most power in a Working Committee, which he appointed.[91] By December 1939, Liaquat estimated that the League had three million two-anna members.[92]
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