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"Jinnah" redirects here. For other uses, see Jinnah (disambiguation).
Muhammad Ali Jinnah
محمد علی جناح
મુહમ્મદ અલી જિન્નાહ
1st Governor-General of Pakistan
In office
14 August 1947 – 11 September 1948
Monarch George VI
Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan
Preceded by The Earl Mountbatten of Burma (as Viceroy of India)
Succeeded by Khawaja Nazimuddin
Speaker of the National Assembly
In office
11 August 1947 – 11 September 1948
Deputy Maulvi Tamizuddin Khan
Preceded by Position established
Succeeded by Maulvi Tamizuddin Khan
President of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan
Deputy Liaquat Ali Khan
Preceded by Office created
Succeeded by Liaquat Ali Khan
Personal details
Born Mahomedali Jinnahbhai
25 December 1876
Karachi, Bombay Presidency, British India
Died 11 September 1948 (aged 71)
Karachi, Pakistan
Political party
Indian National Congress (1906–20)
All-India Muslim League (1913–47)
Muslim League (1947–48)
Spouse(s)
Emibai Jinnah (1892–93)
Maryam Jinnah (1918–29)
Children Dina (by Maryam Jinnah)
Alma mater Inns of Court School of Law
Profession Lawyer
Politician
Religion Islam
Signature
Muhammad Ali Jinnah[a] (/ɑːˈliː/; Arabic pronunciation (help·info), born Mahomedali Jinnahbhai; 25 December 1876 – 11 September 1948) was a lawyer, politician, and the founder of Pakistan.[1] Jinnah served as leader of the All-India Muslim League from 1913 until Pakistan's independence on 14 August 1947, and as Pakistan's first Governor-General from independence until his death. He is revered in Pakistan as Quaid-i-Azam[b] (Great Leader) and Baba-i-Qaum[c] (Father of the Nation). His birthday is observed as a national holiday.[2][3]
Born in Karachi and trained as a barrister at Lincoln's Inn in London, Jinnah rose to prominence in the Indian National Congress in the first two decades of the 20th century. In these early years of his political career, Jinnah advocated Hindu–Muslim unity, helping to shape the 1916 Lucknow Pact between the Congress and the All-India Muslim League, a party in which Jinnah had also become prominent. Jinnah became a key leader in the All India Home Rule League, and proposed a fourteen-point constitutional reform plan to safeguard the political rights of Muslims. In 1920, however, Jinnah resigned from the Congress when it agreed to follow a campaign of satyagraha, or non-violent resistance, advocated by the influential leader, Mohandas Gandhi.
By 1940, Jinnah had come to believe that Indian Muslims should have their own state. In that year, the Muslim League, led by Jinnah, passed the Lahore Resolution, demanding a separate nation. During the Second World War, the League gained strength while leaders of the Congress were imprisoned, and in the elections held shortly after the war, it won most of the seats reserved for Muslims. Ultimately, the Congress and the Muslim League could not reach a power-sharing formula for a united India, leading all parties to agree to separate independence for a predominately Hindu India, and for a Muslim-majority state, to be called Pakistan.
As the first Governor-General of Pakistan, Jinnah worked to establish the new nation's government and policies, and to aid the millions of Muslim migrants who had emigrated from the new nation of India to Pakistan after the partition, personally supervising the establishment of refugee camps. Jinnah died at age 71 in September 1948, just over a year after Pakistan gained independence from the British Raj. He left a deep and respected legacy in Pakistan, though he is less well thought of in India. According to his biographer, Stanley Wolpert, he remains Pakistan's greatest leader.
Muhammad Ali Jinnah
محمد علی جناح
મુહમ્મદ અલી જિન્નાહ
1st Governor-General of Pakistan
In office
14 August 1947 – 11 September 1948
Monarch George VI
Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan
Preceded by The Earl Mountbatten of Burma (as Viceroy of India)
Succeeded by Khawaja Nazimuddin
Speaker of the National Assembly
In office
11 August 1947 – 11 September 1948
Deputy Maulvi Tamizuddin Khan
Preceded by Position established
Succeeded by Maulvi Tamizuddin Khan
President of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan
Deputy Liaquat Ali Khan
Preceded by Office created
Succeeded by Liaquat Ali Khan
Personal details
Born Mahomedali Jinnahbhai
25 December 1876
Karachi, Bombay Presidency, British India
Died 11 September 1948 (aged 71)
Karachi, Pakistan
Political party
Indian National Congress (1906–20)
All-India Muslim League (1913–47)
Muslim League (1947–48)
Spouse(s)
Emibai Jinnah (1892–93)
Maryam Jinnah (1918–29)
Children Dina (by Maryam Jinnah)
Profession Lawyer
Politician
Religion Islam
Signature
Muhammad Ali Jinnah[a] (/ɑːˈliː/; Arabic pronunciation (help·info), born Mahomedali Jinnahbhai; 25 December 1876 – 11 September 1948) was a lawyer, politician, and the founder of Pakistan.[1] Jinnah served as leader of the All-India Muslim League from 1913 until Pakistan's independence on 14 August 1947, and as Pakistan's first Governor-General from independence until his death. He is revered in Pakistan as Quaid-i-Azam[b] (Great Leader) and Baba-i-Qaum[c] (Father of the Nation). His birthday is observed as a national holiday.[2][3]
By 1940, Jinnah had come to believe that Indian Muslims should have their own state. In that year, the Muslim League, led by Jinnah, passed the Lahore Resolution, demanding a separate nation. During the Second World War, the League gained strength while leaders of the Congress were imprisoned, and in the elections held shortly after the war, it won most of the seats reserved for Muslims. Ultimately, the Congress and the Muslim League could not reach a power-sharing formula for a united India, leading all parties to agree to separate independence for a predominately Hindu India, and for a Muslim-majority state, to be called Pakistan.
As the first Governor-General of Pakistan, Jinnah worked to establish the new nation's government and policies, and to aid the millions of Muslim migrants who had emigrated from the new nation of India to Pakistan after the partition, personally supervising the establishment of refugee camps. Jinnah died at age 71 in September 1948, just over a year after Pakistan gained independence from the British Raj. He left a deep and respected legacy in Pakistan, though he is less well thought of in India. According to his biographer, Stanley Wolpert, he remains Pakistan's greatest leader.
Return to politics
Beginning in 1933, Indian Muslims, especially from the United Provinces, began to urge Jinnah to return to India and take up again his leadership of the Muslim League, an organisation which had fallen into inactivity.[75] He remained titular president of the League,[f] but declined to travel to India to preside over its 1933 session in April, writing that he could not possibly return there until the end of the year.[76]Abdul Rahim Dard , an eloquent speaker, Prominent Ahmadiyya missionary and a prolific writer met Jinnah in March 1933 and tried to convince him to return to India being direly needed by the Indian Muslims. Dard told Jinnah that Jinnah's abandonment of politics in British India was dire for the Muslim cause. Jinnah agreed to return. To symbolize his return to politics, A R Dard arranged a lecture titled The Future of India which was presided over by Sir Nairne Sandeman in which Jinnah criticized the recent White Paper on Indian Constitutional Reform and argued for self-government by Indians.[77] at the Fazl Mosque in London in April 1933 to facilitate Jinnah's return to the political scene. In fact, Jinnah is quoted saying:
"The eloquent persuasion of the Imam (A R Dard) left me no way of escape".
— [78][79][80]
Among those who met with Jinnah to seek his return was Liaquat Ali Khan, who would be a major political associate of Jinnah in the years to come and the first Prime Minister of Pakistan. At Jinnah's request, Liaquat discussed the return with a large number of Muslim politicians and confirmed his recommendation to Jinnah.[81][82] In early 1934, Jinnah relocated to the subcontinent, though he shuttled between London and India on business for the next few years, selling his house in Hampstead and closing his legal practice in Britain.[83][84]
Muslims of Bombay elected Jinnah, though then absent in London, as their representative to the Central Legislative Assembly in October 1934.[85][86] The British Parliament's Government of India Act 1935 gave considerable power to India's provinces, with a weak central parliament in New Delhi, which had no authority over such matters as foreign policy, defence, and much of the budget. Full power remained in the hands of the Viceroy, however, who could dissolve legislatures and rule by decree. The League reluctantly accepted the scheme, though expressing reservations about the weak parliament. The Congress was much better prepared for the provincial elections in 1937, and the League failed to win a majority even of the Muslim seats in any of the provinces where members of that faith held a majority. It did win a majority of the Muslim seats in Delhi, but could not form a government anywhere, though it was part of the ruling coalition in Bengal. The Congress and its allies formed the government even in the North-West Frontier Province (N.W.F.P.), where the League won no seats despite the fact that almost all residents were Muslim.[87]
Jinnah (front, left) with the Working Committee of the Muslim League after a meeting in Lucknow, October 1937
According to Singh, "the events of 1937 had a tremendous, almost a traumatic effect upon Jinnah".[88] Despite his beliefs of twenty years that Muslims could protect their rights in a united India through separate electorates, provincial boundaries drawn to preserve Muslim majorities, and by other protections of minority rights, Muslim voters had failed to unite, with the issues Jinnah hoped to bring forward lost amid factional fighting.[88][89] Singh notes the effect of the 1937 elections on Muslim political opinion, "when the Congress formed a government with almost all of the Muslim MLAs sitting on the Opposition benches, non-Congress Muslims were suddenly faced with this stark reality of near total political powerlessness. It was brought home to them, like a bolt of lightning, that even if the Congress did not win a single Muslim seat ... as long as it won an absolute majority in the House, on the strength of the general seats, it could and would form a government entirely on its own ..."[90]
In the next two years, Jinnah worked to build support among Muslims for the League. He secured the right to speak for the Muslim-led Bengali and Punjabi provincial governments in the central government in New Delhi ("the centre"). He worked to expand the league, reducing the cost of membership to two annas (⅛ of a rupee), half of what it cost to join the Congress. He restructured the League along the lines of the Congress, putting most power in a Working Committee, which he appointed.[91] By December 1939, Liaquat estimated that the League had three million two-anna members.[92]
Beginning in 1933, Indian Muslims, especially from the United Provinces, began to urge Jinnah to return to India and take up again his leadership of the Muslim League, an organisation which had fallen into inactivity.[75] He remained titular president of the League,[f] but declined to travel to India to preside over its 1933 session in April, writing that he could not possibly return there until the end of the year.[76]Abdul Rahim Dard , an eloquent speaker, Prominent Ahmadiyya missionary and a prolific writer met Jinnah in March 1933 and tried to convince him to return to India being direly needed by the Indian Muslims. Dard told Jinnah that Jinnah's abandonment of politics in British India was dire for the Muslim cause. Jinnah agreed to return. To symbolize his return to politics, A R Dard arranged a lecture titled The Future of India which was presided over by Sir Nairne Sandeman in which Jinnah criticized the recent White Paper on Indian Constitutional Reform and argued for self-government by Indians.[77] at the Fazl Mosque in London in April 1933 to facilitate Jinnah's return to the political scene. In fact, Jinnah is quoted saying:
"The eloquent persuasion of the Imam (A R Dard) left me no way of escape".
Among those who met with Jinnah to seek his return was Liaquat Ali Khan, who would be a major political associate of Jinnah in the years to come and the first Prime Minister of Pakistan. At Jinnah's request, Liaquat discussed the return with a large number of Muslim politicians and confirmed his recommendation to Jinnah.[81][82] In early 1934, Jinnah relocated to the subcontinent, though he shuttled between London and India on business for the next few years, selling his house in Hampstead and closing his legal practice in Britain.[83][84]
Muslims of Bombay elected Jinnah, though then absent in London, as their representative to the Central Legislative Assembly in October 1934.[85][86] The British Parliament's Government of India Act 1935 gave considerable power to India's provinces, with a weak central parliament in New Delhi, which had no authority over such matters as foreign policy, defence, and much of the budget. Full power remained in the hands of the Viceroy, however, who could dissolve legislatures and rule by decree. The League reluctantly accepted the scheme, though expressing reservations about the weak parliament. The Congress was much better prepared for the provincial elections in 1937, and the League failed to win a majority even of the Muslim seats in any of the provinces where members of that faith held a majority. It did win a majority of the Muslim seats in Delhi, but could not form a government anywhere, though it was part of the ruling coalition in Bengal. The Congress and its allies formed the government even in the North-West Frontier Province (N.W.F.P.), where the League won no seats despite the fact that almost all residents were Muslim.[87]
Jinnah (front, left) with the Working Committee of the Muslim League after a meeting in Lucknow, October 1937
According to Singh, "the events of 1937 had a tremendous, almost a traumatic effect upon Jinnah".[88] Despite his beliefs of twenty years that Muslims could protect their rights in a united India through separate electorates, provincial boundaries drawn to preserve Muslim majorities, and by other protections of minority rights, Muslim voters had failed to unite, with the issues Jinnah hoped to bring forward lost amid factional fighting.[88][89] Singh notes the effect of the 1937 elections on Muslim political opinion, "when the Congress formed a government with almost all of the Muslim MLAs sitting on the Opposition benches, non-Congress Muslims were suddenly faced with this stark reality of near total political powerlessness. It was brought home to them, like a bolt of lightning, that even if the Congress did not win a single Muslim seat ... as long as it won an absolute majority in the House, on the strength of the general seats, it could and would form a government entirely on its own ..."[90]
In the next two years, Jinnah worked to build support among Muslims for the League. He secured the right to speak for the Muslim-led Bengali and Punjabi provincial governments in the central government in New Delhi ("the centre"). He worked to expand the league, reducing the cost of membership to two annas (⅛ of a rupee), half of what it cost to join the Congress. He restructured the League along the lines of the Congress, putting most power in a Working Committee, which he appointed.[91] By December 1939, Liaquat estimated that the League had three million two-anna members.[92]
In England
In 1892, Sir Frederick Leigh Croft, a business associate of Jinnahbhai Poonja, offered young Jinnah a London apprenticeship with his firm, Graham's Shipping and Trading Company.[19] He accepted the position despite the opposition of his mother, who before he left, had him enter an arranged marriage with a girl two years his junior from the ancestral village of Paneli, Emibai Jinnah. Jinnah's mother and first wife both died during his absence in England.[20] Although the apprenticeship in London was considered a great opportunity for Jinnah, one reason for sending him overseas was a legal proceeding against his father, which placed the family's property at risk of being sequestered by the court. In 1893, the Jinnahbhai family moved to Bombay.[15]
Soon after his arrival in London, Jinnah gave up the apprenticeship in order to study law, enraging his father, who had, before his departure, given him enough money to live for three years. The aspiring barrister joined Lincoln's Inn, later stating that the reason he chose Lincoln's over the other Inns of Court was that over the main entrance to Lincoln's Inn were the names of the world's great lawgivers, including Muhammad. Jinnah's biographer Stanley Wolpert notes that there is no such inscription, but instead inside is a mural showing Muhammad and other lawgivers, and speculates that Jinnah may have edited the story in his own mind to avoid mentioning a pictorial depiction which would be offensive to many Muslims.[21] Jinnah's legal education at the Inns of Court followed the apprenticeship system, which had been in force there for centuries. To gain knowledge of the law, he followed an established barrister and learned from what he did, as well as from studying lawbooks.[22] During this period, he shortened his name to Muhammad Ali Jinnah.[23]
During his student years in England, Jinnah was influenced by 19th-century British liberalism, like many other future Indian independence leaders. This political education included exposure to the idea of the democratic nation, and progressive politics.[24] He became an admirer of the Parsi Indian political leaders Dadabhai Naoroji and Sir Pherozeshah Mehta. Naoroji had become the first Member of Parliament of Indian extraction shortly before Jinnah's arrival, triumphing with a majority of three votes in Finsbury Central. Jinnah listened to his maiden speech in the House of Commons from the visitor's gallery.[25][26]
Soon after his arrival in London, Jinnah gave up the apprenticeship in order to study law, enraging his father, who had, before his departure, given him enough money to live for three years. The aspiring barrister joined Lincoln's Inn, later stating that the reason he chose Lincoln's over the other Inns of Court was that over the main entrance to Lincoln's Inn were the names of the world's great lawgivers, including Muhammad. Jinnah's biographer Stanley Wolpert notes that there is no such inscription, but instead inside is a mural showing Muhammad and other lawgivers, and speculates that Jinnah may have edited the story in his own mind to avoid mentioning a pictorial depiction which would be offensive to many Muslims.[21] Jinnah's legal education at the Inns of Court followed the apprenticeship system, which had been in force there for centuries. To gain knowledge of the law, he followed an established barrister and learned from what he did, as well as from studying lawbooks.[22] During this period, he shortened his name to Muhammad Ali Jinnah.[23]
During his student years in England, Jinnah was influenced by 19th-century British liberalism, like many other future Indian independence leaders. This political education included exposure to the idea of the democratic nation, and progressive politics.[24] He became an admirer of the Parsi Indian political leaders Dadabhai Naoroji and Sir Pherozeshah Mehta. Naoroji had become the first Member of Parliament of Indian extraction shortly before Jinnah's arrival, triumphing with a majority of three votes in Finsbury Central. Jinnah listened to his maiden speech in the House of Commons from the visitor's gallery.[25][26]
Early years
Jinnah was born Mahomedali Jinnahbhai,[d] most likely in 1876,[e] to Jinnahbhai Poonja and his wife Mithibai, in a rented apartment on the second floor of Wazir Mansion, Karachi.[4] Jinnah's birthplace is in Sindh, a region today part of Pakistan, but then within the Bombay Presidency of British India. According to a Pakistani Author, Jinnah once said that his male ancestor was a Rajput from Sahiwal (Punjab) and had settled into Kathiawar (Gujarat), [5] Former Prime Minister of Pakistan Yousaf Raza Gillani also ascribes Rajput ancestry to Jinnah.[6] His father was a prosperous Gujarati merchant who had been born to a family of weavers in the village of Paneli in the princely state of Gondal (Kathiawar); his mother was also of that village. They had moved to Karachi in 1875, having married before their departure. Karachi was then enjoying an economic boom: the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 meant it was 200 nautical miles closer to Europe for shipping than Bombay.[7][8]
Jinnah's family was of the Ismaili Khoja branch of Shi'a Islam,[9] though Jinnah later followed the Twelver Shi'a teachings.[10] Jinnah was the second child;[11][12] he had three brothers and three sisters, including his younger sister Fatima Jinnah. The parents were native Gujarati speakers, and the children also came to speak Kutchi, Sindhi and English.[13] Except for Fatima, little is known of his siblings, where they settled or if they met with their brother as he advanced in his legal or political careers.[14]
As a boy, Jinnah lived for a time in Bombay with an aunt and may have attended the Gokal Das Tej Primary School there, later on studying at the Cathedral and John Connon School. In Karachi, he attended the Sindh-Madrasa-tul-Islam and the Christian Missionary Society High School.[15][16][17] He gained his matriculation from Bombay University at the high school. In his later years and especially after his death, a large number of stories about the boyhood of Pakistan's founder were circulated: that he spent all his spare time at the police court, listening to the proceedings, and that he studied his books by the glow of street lights for lack of other illumination. His official biographer, Hector Bolitho, writing in 1954, interviewed surviving boyhood associates, and obtained a tale that the young Jinnah discouraged other children from playing marbles in the dust, urging them to rise up, keep their hands and clothes clean, and play cricket instead.[18]
Jinnah was born Mahomedali Jinnahbhai,[d] most likely in 1876,[e] to Jinnahbhai Poonja and his wife Mithibai, in a rented apartment on the second floor of Wazir Mansion, Karachi.[4] Jinnah's birthplace is in Sindh, a region today part of Pakistan, but then within the Bombay Presidency of British India. According to a Pakistani Author, Jinnah once said that his male ancestor was a Rajput from Sahiwal (Punjab) and had settled into Kathiawar (Gujarat), [5] Former Prime Minister of Pakistan Yousaf Raza Gillani also ascribes Rajput ancestry to Jinnah.[6] His father was a prosperous Gujarati merchant who had been born to a family of weavers in the village of Paneli in the princely state of Gondal (Kathiawar); his mother was also of that village. They had moved to Karachi in 1875, having married before their departure. Karachi was then enjoying an economic boom: the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 meant it was 200 nautical miles closer to Europe for shipping than Bombay.[7][8]
Jinnah's family was of the Ismaili Khoja branch of Shi'a Islam,[9] though Jinnah later followed the Twelver Shi'a teachings.[10] Jinnah was the second child;[11][12] he had three brothers and three sisters, including his younger sister Fatima Jinnah. The parents were native Gujarati speakers, and the children also came to speak Kutchi, Sindhi and English.[13] Except for Fatima, little is known of his siblings, where they settled or if they met with their brother as he advanced in his legal or political careers.[14]
As a boy, Jinnah lived for a time in Bombay with an aunt and may have attended the Gokal Das Tej Primary School there, later on studying at the Cathedral and John Connon School. In Karachi, he attended the Sindh-Madrasa-tul-Islam and the Christian Missionary Society High School.[15][16][17] He gained his matriculation from Bombay University at the high school. In his later years and especially after his death, a large number of stories about the boyhood of Pakistan's founder were circulated: that he spent all his spare time at the police court, listening to the proceedings, and that he studied his books by the glow of street lights for lack of other illumination. His official biographer, Hector Bolitho, writing in 1954, interviewed surviving boyhood associates, and obtained a tale that the young Jinnah discouraged other children from playing marbles in the dust, urging them to rise up, keep their hands and clothes clean, and play cricket instead.[18]
- Muhammad Ali Jinnah
- Born in Karachi and trained as a barrister at Lincoln's Inn in London, Jinnah rose to prominence in the Indian National Congress in the first two decades of the 20th century. In these early years of his political career, Jinnah advocated Hindu–Muslim unity, helping to shape the 1916 Lucknow Pact between the Congress and the All-India Muslim League, a party in which Jinnah had also become prominent. Jinnah became a key leader in the All India Home Rule League, and proposed a fourteen-point constitutional reform plan to safeguard the political rights of Muslims. In 1920, however, Jinnah resigned from the Congress when it agreed to follow a campaign of satyagraha, or non-violent resistance, advocated by the influential leader, Mohandas Gandhi.
- By 1940, Jinnah had come to believe that Indian Muslims should have their own state. In that year, the Muslim League, led by Jinnah, passed the Lahore Resolution, demanding a separate nation. During the Second World War, the League gained strength while leaders of the Congress were imprisoned, and in the elections held shortly after the war, it won most of the seats reserved for Muslims. Ultimately, the Congress and the Muslim League could not reach a power-sharing formula for a united India, leading all parties to agree to separate independence for a predominately Hindu India, and for a Muslim-majority state, to be called Pakistan.
- As the first Governor-General of Pakistan, Jinnah worked to establish the new nation's government and policies, and to aid the millions of Muslim migrants who had emigrated from the new nation of India to Pakistan after the partition, personally supervising the establishment of refugee camps. Jinnah died at age 71 in September 1948, just over a year after Pakistan gained independence from the British Raj. He left a deep and respected legacy in Pakistan, though he is less well thought of in India. According to his biographer, Stanley Wolpert, he remains Pakistan's greatest leader.
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